Wednesday, July 11, 2012

The Effects of Important Freedmen in the British Abolition Movement


Popular Freedmen of the late 18th Century and their effect on the British Abolition Movement
            The abolition movement in Britain that developed momentum in the late 18th century has attracted much attention from many present day historians.  The movement’s success, given the economic benefit and dependence of slavery in the Atlantic World, make the British social movement all the more important in the scope of world history.  As British public support for abolition grew, popular black leadership emerged to become an important aspect of organizing and encouraging the movement to fruition.  The purpose of this paper is to outline the actions taken by popular black freedmen in support of the British abolition movement, place value on the efforts of said black leaders to the overall success of the movement, and finally to argue that though not necessarily vital to the movements success, freedmen had an important effect on the relatively quick buildup of public support that would produce historic social change.

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            Popular British freedmen found a purpose in the abolition movement, providing many important literary works that proved important to its success.  Olaudah Equiano and Ottabah Cugoano were perhaps the most active and integral parts of the black presence in the British social movement.  In Cugoano’s Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery (1787) he wrote a very radical, yet Christian, critique of the institution of slavery while “boldly adding arguments for the abolition of the slave trade and the creation of a maritime blockade against slavers.”[1] Partnering with Equiano, they established the ‘Sons of Africa’, an anti-slavery committee whose membership comprised of London’s black community.  Both Cugoano and Equiano committed themselves to “touring the country, speaking out against slavery and focusing attention on black people throughout the world.”[2] 
            Equiano became the “most articulate spokesman for the African cause,”[3] successfully networking with the most prominent abolitionists, including Thomas Clarkson, Granville Sharp, and Thomas Hardy, to whom Equiano provided political contacts that Hardy used to “usher in the radical movement of the 1790s.”[4] Equiano’s written account of his past, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano (1789), was wildly successful.  The ensuing “book tour brought him into communities across the nation, and with a string of public and private correspondence, newspaper accounts, and self-placed advertisements, Equiano moved from cultural ‘void’ to national fame.”[5]
            Equiano and Cugoano’s contribution to the abolition movement in Britain is without question.  Their dedication to the cause is well documented.  That said, given the understanding of the abolitionist action both before and after their influence, it is difficult to gauge an accurate value on their contribution to British abolition.  Many historians would agree that the abolition movement in Britain was well underway before the significant contributions of Equiano or Cugoano.[6]  The Somerset case, arguably the most important factor preempting British abolition, took place more than 15 years before either author published their influential writings. In his effort to pursue legal action in Somerset, Granville Sharp had already been a committed pursuer of abolition well before ever meeting Equiano.  Further more, after 1772 there was little evidence of slave sales and forced deportations in mainland Britain, “but in no case did an English court ever uphold a master’s claim to a slave’s service as slave after 1772.”[7]  Though not outright abolition, the Somerset case was a clear step in the direction of abolition, and perhaps the most damning to the British slave trade up to that point.
Abolitionist sentiment and literature were prevalent both before and after Equiano and Cugoano influenced the movement.  Literary accounts of the atrocities inflicted on African slaves by their white masters were common.  “Eighteenth-century culture was saturated with casual references to the violence done to social norms by the slave trade,”[8] leading the British to question the glaring contradiction between their Christian faith and their economic dominance of the slave trade.  British citizens from all walks of life found themselves indignant to the practice of slavery.
Quakers were some of the earliest actors in the abolition movement, playing a key part in the creation of the London of a Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave Trade, which provided the committee with “experience in business organization, sources of funding, and a publishing and distribution network.”[9]  Abolition of the slave trade was an ongoing process, and would not come to fruition until 1807, while emancipation would take more then three decades to become a reality (1833).  During that period of time, countless British actively participated in the movement for social reform, answering the call that produced waves of demonstrated public support.[10]  Women became a force in the movement, pursuing abolition in defense of what they deemed “an attack on the family,”[11] while utilizing their position in the home to empower the boycott of slave cultivated products.[12]
With the constant increase of public support and increasing participation in the pursuit of abolition, it can be argued that it was only a matter of time before the dwindling ruling elite would have to listen.  That said; it is important to see the underlying effect of the popular contributions of freedmen such as Cugoano and Equiano.  It is not coincidence that the first recognized wave of abolition mobilization took place during the years 1788-1792, the same period of time in which Cugoano and Equiano experienced the peak of their popularity.  In fact, “until 1786, the handful of active abolitionists were still working in virtual isolation from each other.”[13] Even abolitionist leadership was generally unaware of each other or actions being taken by different sects of the movement.  In reality, the British abolition movement was in need of a spark, something that would speak to the very nature of British culture.
Through their writings and public calls for reform, Cugoano and Equiano effectively forced the British public to reassess its ideas of humanity and Christianity, while simultaneously bringing the hypocrisy of slavery to the forefront of debate.  The literary works of Cugoano and Equiano, as well as other articulate freedmen, were a glaring example of the African capacity for intelligence.  By writing in a manner that encompassed both British linguistic intricacy and devout Christian faith, Cugoano and Equiano were able to connect their readers emotionally to their stories of African hardship and injustice.  Cugoano and Equiano induced a sensible and articulate rhetoric to successfully appeal “to the European readership’s emotional and moral sensibilities in order to humanize the African and call for the abolition of the slave trade.”[14]
Perhaps the most important aspect their writing, aside from their literacy, was their use of Christian virtue to appeal to the Christian British majority.  By being devout in their own pursuits of Christianity, Cugoano and Equiano are successful in forcing the British public to look at the realities of slavery in the context of their professed Christian faith.  As Cugoano wrote, it was manifest and “evidently the incumbent duty of all men of enlightened understanding, and of every man that has any claim or affinity to the name of Christian, that the base treatment which the African Slaves undergo, out to be abolished…”[15] In writings such as this he “captures the obvious: Christianity’s guiding principle ‘love thy neighbor as thyself’ threatens the slave trade’s concept of the black slave as a piece of property.”[16]  The use of Christian rhetoric was a common theme of all abolitionist propaganda, regardless of whether the author white or black.  What made the writings of Cugoano and Equiano so radical was that fact that they were Africans capable of eloquently drawing upon the bible to enforce their attack on slavery.[17]
Critics were hard pressed to counter Cugoano or Equiano head on.  Equiano was famous for his exchanges published in print media, most importantly his exchange with James Tobin in The Public Advertiser in which Tobin questioned the integrity of and general humanity of male African slaves.  In his response, Equiano eloquently and intelligently dismisses Tobin’s accusations with the use of reason and reference of scripture.[18]  With the literary prowess of Cugoano and Equiano having proved solid, critics shifted their attacks to the authenticity of their literary works themselves.  This also proved unsuccessful for the slave trade advocates, as both Cugoano and Equiano were readily available to the public, whether in the presence of nobility or touring the countryside in support of abolition.  Equiano in particular capitalized on his ability to familiarize and legitimize himself to his audience through Shakespearean affilitation.  “Establishing a Shakespearean framework for his alterity, Equiano courted the curious on his book tour, all while foiling those who insisted that theories of racial inferiority justified the slave trade.”[19]
The actions and accomplishments of Cugoano and Equiano are without question in the sphere of British abolition.  Their literary success and public campaigning in support of the abolition of slavery directly affected the social movement’s path to success.  That said; it is impossible to place an exact value on their efforts in the overall picture.  It would not be fair to important British abolition leaders who laid the groundwork well before the success of Cugoano and Equiano.  This is especially important given the economic profitability and British control of the Atlantic slave trade, which evidence suggests was booming after 1783.[20]  The grassroots efforts of countless British contributed to a growing sentiment of moral inadequacy well before popular freedmen influence.  The effect, however, of Cugoano and Equiano and their contributions to the abolishment must be looked at for their effect on the British public.  Cugoano and Equiano’s writings and public actions forced the British public to reassess their understanding of humanity and morality as a society of based in both British and Christian culture.  In this process, Cugoano and Equiano were successful in humanizing Africans while cementing the issue of slavery at the forefront of British society through several lulls and mobilizations.


           

















[1] Drescher, Seymour S. "Public Opinion and Parliament in the Abolition of the British Slave Trade," Parliamentary History 26, (-06, 2007): 52-53.
[2] Mtubani, Victor C. D. "The Black Voice in Eighteenth-Century Britain: African Writers Against Slavery and the Slave Trade," Phylon (1960-) 45, no. 2 (1984): 97.
[3] Ibid., 90.
[4] Walvin: Impact of Slavery, 345.
[5] John Bugg: the other interesting… 1426.
[6] Drescher, Seymour. "Whose Abolition? Popular Pressure and the Ending of the British Slave Trade," Past & Present no. 143 (1994): 165.
[7] Cotter, William W. R. "The Somerset Case and the Abolition of Slavery in England," History (London) 79, no. 255 (-02, 1994):  44.
[8] Drescher, "Public Opinion and Parliament in the Abolition of the British Slave Trade," 45.
[9] Drescher, "Public Opinion and Parliament in the Abolition of the British Slave Trade," 47.
[10] Drescher, "Whose Abolition? Popular Pressure and the Ending of the British Slave Trade" 140.
[11] Drescher, "Public Opinion and Parliament in the Abolition of the British Slave Trade," 50.
[12] Elizabeth A O'Donnell, "'THERE'S DEATH IN THE POT!' THE BRITISH FREE PRODUCE MOVEMENT AND THE RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF FRIENDS, WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE NORTH-EAST OF ENGLAND," Quaker Studies 13, no. 2 (2009): 184.
[13] Drescher, "Public Opinion and Parliament in the Abolition of the British Slave Trade" 45.
[14] Gunn, Jeffrey. "Creating a Paradox: Quobna Ottobah Cugoano and the Slave Trade's Violation of the Principles of Christianity, Reason, and Property Ownership," Journal of World History 21, no. 4 (2010): 636
[15] Cugoano, Ottabah.  Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil and Wicked Traffic of the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species: Humbly Submitted to the Inhabitants of Great Britain, (1878), 3.
[16] Gunn, "Creating a Paradox: Quobna Ottobah Cugoano and the Slave Trade's Violation of the Principles of Christianity, Reason, and Property Ownership," 637.
[17] Ibid., 640.
[18] Allison, Robert J. The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano: Written by Himself with Related Documents, Boston: Bedford/ St. Martin’s, 2007, 216.
[19] Bugg, John. "The Other Interesting Narrative: Olaudah Equiano's Public Book Tour," PMLA.Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no. 5 (2006): 1436.
[20] Walvin, James. "Why did the British Abolish the Slave Trade? Econocide Revisited," Slavery & Abolition 32, no. 4 (2011): 585.

Wednesday, June 27, 2012

Religious Freedom in the Atlantic World


         Religious freedom in the Atlantic World was relative to three important factors, religion and ethnicity.  Muslims and Jews experienced much less freedom to worship then the Christian powers that largely controlled the region.  Africans and Native Americans often had their native religious beliefs silenced by the European slave owners and invaders, often in the name of conversion.  And African Christians in Africa were allotted much more liberty in how they worshiped then African Christians enslaved in the New World. The following is an examination of the religious freedom of Jews, Christians, and Muslims in the Atlantic World as evidenced by the writings assigned for this course.
            For many of the Africans slaves forced across the Atlantic, Islam was their religion of familiarity.  But for these Africans, their religious beliefs were rarely if ever tolerated.  Though they would find ways to practice privately, many “African slaves who had been brought in chains from West Africa had been forced to observe the practices of their masters’ religion under rigidly specified conditions” (Afroz, 229).  Forced baptism was a normal occurrence, as the Christian slave owners were often required to convert their subjects to the faith of their ruling monarchy.  For Muslim slaves, though, it was not all that difficult to keep with their native beliefs, as Christianity and Islam follow much of the same doctrine, allowing Africans slaves to play the line between the two.  Regardless of the similarity, to “Muslim slaves… Christianity, represented oppression” (Afroz, 233). 
            Jews in the Atlantic World experienced much more freedom then the Muslim Africans of the region, but that does not mean that their religious beliefs were respected.  Jews were largely looked down upon in the Old World, and what flexibility they experienced in the New World was often due to their value to the corporate powers of the region.  In the Atlantic, Jews were able to pave a new path for themselves, with Jewish intervention being especially “instrumental in the extension of the privileges that were granted in the Dutch colonies… The Jews conspicuous significance in trans-Atlantic commerce earned them the right to retail trade in Brazil, which was not recognized in Amsterdam” (Klooster, 136).  By proving themselves invaluable, Jews across the Atlantic were able to establish themselves in the New World, and were thus allotted personal and religious freedoms not common in the Old World.
            There seems to have been two forms of Christianity in the Atlantic World.  On the Old World side, specifically Africa, Christian missionaries were often much more open minded, even willing to make certain concessions that would blend some of the African cultural norms with Christian practices.  In this respect, they were able to justify their actions as conversion.  However, for those who were to be shipped across the Atlantic to the New World, conversion was forced.  “Ever since the early days of the Atlantic slave trade, Papal Bulls and royal orders required that slaves be given religious instruction, and baptized as quickly as possible after purchase” (Thornton, 269).  Much of the infusion of African practices into Christian norms in Africa, were not tolerated in the New World.   “Christian clergy did suppress a considerable amount of African practice, some of it apparently religious, in the Americas” (Thornton, 276).
            Religious freedom was relative to ethnicity, religion, and location.  African slaves with Islamic beliefs experienced little religious freedom, and were usually forced to conversion.  African Christians in Africa were converted much more peacefully then their enslaved New World counterparts, and were allotted much more religious freedom in customizing their methods of practice.  Jews, meanwhile, experienced very different levels of religious freedom dependent location.  Though not necessarily forced to convert, Jews in the Old World were not allotted the social freedoms of other religious groups.  But in the New World, Jews established themselves as integral members of society, especially in the port cities of the Atlantic World.  In summary, religious freedom in the Atlantic World was relative to the circumstances of ethnicity, religion, and location. 
            

Tuesday, June 19, 2012

Atlantic People


For those whose lives were enveloped by the Atlantic World, identity came from many sources.  Ira Berlin, who authored From Creole to African: Atlantic Creoles and the Origins of African-American Society in Mainland North America, does an excellent job of summing up just this type of culture.  In this writing, Berlin describes the origins of black Americans, or more particularly Atlantic creoles.  In Berlin’s view, Atlantic creoles did not possess any single definitive characteristic that would mark nationality or origin.  “Instead, by their experiences and sometimes by their persons, they had become part of the three worlds that came together along the Atlantic… Familiar with the commerce of the Atlantic, fluent in its new languages, and intimate with its trade and cultures, they were cosmopolitan in the fullest sense” (Berlin, 254).  Though Berlin was directly assessing the Atlantic creole, the same analysis can be successfully utilized to understand people of many origins that were involved in the Atlantic World.
            Samuel Cohen was a Jewish translator and miner that worked for the Dutch West India Company in the Atlantic.  Like many others of this period, there is very little else known about Mr. Cohen outside of his connection with the company and its business related activities.  His last name “would have made his ethnic affiliation obvious to the Christian Europeans who dominated the public institutions of” the Atlantic World (Meuwese, 28).  Though there is not evidence that Cohen was a particularly religious man, he was proved understanding of the European culture in which he was enmeshed and was capable of moving throughout it comfortably.  “His ability to live his life between different cultures while belonging fully to neither one of them suggests not only that it was Cohen’s personality that made him a successful translator but also that it was the essential nature of his life as an assimilated European Jew that habituated him to the practice” of surviving in the Atlantic World (Meuwese, 28). 
            Though not of dark complexion, Cohen faced many obstacles resulting from his Jewish background.  Like many in the Atlantic World as described by Berlin, Cohen was able to utilize his skills as a translator and miner to make himself a valuable employee of the Dutch West India Company.  Throughout his time in the Atlantic World, Cohen moved about not necessarily belonging to any single class or nation, instead being a member of the culture that was the Atlantic World.